Die Bloemfontein verkiesing.
Die uitslag van die 2012 verkiesing van die Nasionale Uitvoerende Komitee (NEC) van die ANC, bevestig die AVP se voorspelling dat Zuma homself deeglik beskerm het omdat hy enersyds die Afrikastyl politiek verstaan en andersyds omdat hy in ʼn onbenydenswaardige posisie sou verkeer indien hy verloor het. Derhalwe het nie ʼn enkele teenstander van hom die eerste 6 topposte gehaal nie.
Dat alles glad verloop het is egter om onverantwoordelik met die waarheid om te gaan. Vele stemme van erge protes oor die wyse waarop die verkiesing bestuur is het al opgeklink, dog sonder dat dit êrens grondvat.
Paul Trewhela says the Mangaung elective conference was determined by fraud
"Widespread irregularity" within the ANC - and the "forces of change"
An important analysis has been published by Professor Pierre de Vos - professor of Constitutional Law at the University of Cape Town and deputy dean of the Claude Leon Chair in Constitutional Governance - on the landmark judgement of the Constitutional Court last Friday (14 December), which found lack of internal democracy within the ANC in Free State province in choice of delegates to the ANC elective conference at Mangaung. The judgement carries major implications relating to the government of South Africa.
Writing in the Daily Maverick online, Professor de Vos concludes that the Court found "widespread irregularity, if not fraud, involved in the Free State elective conference." ("Elective processes: Something is rotten in the kingdom of the ANC", 20 December)
A great struggle on the nature of democracy within the ANC has now opened up, as shown in an article by Niren Tolsi, "Free State ANC members to challenge legality of
Mangaung" (Mail & Guardian online, 18 December)
But as the ConCourt judgement indicates, and as Professor de Vos affirms, lack of internal democracy within the ANC now proposes a major question about the character of democracy - or lack of it - within South Africa itself, given the absolute system of proportional representation set in place by the Interim Constitution of 1993 and the Constitution of 1996.
Ons lys interessantheidshalwe die uitslag soos wat dit op Politicsweb.co.za se webblad verskyn het
20 December 2012
Below are the results of the elections for the eighty National Executive Committee positions at the ANC's 53rd National Conference in Mangaung. None of the candidates who stood against the Zuma camp's nominees for the top six positions made it back onto the NEC. Kgalema Motlanthe and Thandi Modise withdrew their names before voting, while Mathews Phosa, Tokyo Sexwale, Paul Mashatile and Fikile Mbalula stood but failed to secure sufficient votes.
Another prominent member of the anti-Zuma camp, ANC Limpopo provincial chairperson Cassel Mathale, also failed to secure election onto the NEC. Winnie Madikizela Mandela, who had previously associated herself with expelled ANCYL leader Julius Malema, scraped into the NEC with the second fewest number of votes. At the 2007 ANC national conference in Polokwane she had secured the most votes of all candidates for the NEC.
Die opgang wat die Venda Cyril Ramaphosa in die Zoeloebeheerde Nasionale Uitvoerende Komitee van die ANC gemaak het in sy nominasie en verkiesing as adjunk van Zuma, kan die grootste waagstuk wees waarvoor hy hom nog tot dusver beskikbaar gestel het. Om die waarheid te sê, dit kan hom selfs sy lewe kos.
Bantu Holomisa
20 December 2012
POST MANGAUNG - "WHAT'S IN STORE FOR RAMAPHOSA"
In particular we congratulate Cyril Ramaphosa for being elected as Jacob Zuma's deputy. He should however proceed with caution for he might just be serving a particular short-term purpose to sort out the ANC's internal problems and he might well follow in his predecessor's footsteps.
We have been reliably informed that the architects within the Zuma camp have already started their campaign to have Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma as the next ANC President. If Cyril wants to avoid a repeat of the past, he should ensure that he builds his own constituency rather than relying on the support of the Zuma camp.
Why, then, is there an uproar over Ramaphosa’s intervention? Word in ‘n ander berig gevra en dan sommer geantwoord, wat die gevoel vertolk van die voetvolk op wie se steun hy vorentoe sal moet aanspraak maak.
It is because Ramaphosa has forgotten his roots and invited deadly state force to spill the blood of his own people for his and the company’s financial benefit.
Betrayal does not get more poignant than that.
Ramaphosa is no ordinary businessman who hit the big time in post-Apartheid South Africa. He is a former general secretary of the NUM and a former ANC secretary general, who, if Nelson Mandela had his way, would have already served out two terms as South Africa’s president instead of Thabo Mbeki.
Twenty-five years ago, it was Ramaphosa who led the biggest wage strike in South Africa’s history when thousands of workers in the gold- and coalmines downed tools for three weeks. The strike, involving over 300,000 mineworkers, brought South Africa’s mining sector to its knees.
At the height of the Zuma-Mbeki battle, there were attempts to draw him back from the business sector into ANC leadership. He is viewed as a voice of reason with the pedigree to lead the party, but he has so far resisted efforts to get him to stand as a presidential candidate in the ANC.
However, over the past few months, as divisions deepened between supporters of President Jacob Zuma and Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, Ramaphosa’s name has been touted as a candidate for ANC deputy president on the Zuma slate. But the emails cast him in a new light as a person with callous disregard for poor workers, who happen to be a core constituency of the ANC.
Did Ramaphosa think his role, documented in the emails, would not be exposed, or did he assume that his Pontius Pilate act through a general apology and a hefty donation beforehand would cleanse him of culpability?
A source close to Lonmin claims that the company itself made the emails available to the commission of inquiry as it did not want to hide anything. If that is true, with all the resources available to Ramaphosa, he surely should have had a strategy to land the damning evidence publicly and explain his actions. The source said the company was planning to explain the emails at the appropriate time during the commission, but Mpofu jumped the gun by airing them in the opening statements as a “score-settling exercise”.
Mpofu represented former ANC Youth League (ANCYL) president Julius Malema and his colleagues in their disciplinary case, in which Ramaphosa chaired the disciplinary appeals panel. Ramaphosa effectively sealed Malema’s fate when he confirmed his expulsion as well as that of the former ANCYL spokesman Floyd Shivambu.
The ANCYL and Shivambu took the opportunity of the exposure of the emails to turn the screws on Ramaphosa.
“Comrade Cyril Ramaphosa has lost any credibility as a genuine leader of the people and a revolutionary committed to the cause of the working class. With his email to police minister Comrade Nathi
Mthethwa, Comrade Ramaphosa delivered the more than 40 people to their death at Marikana. Comrade Cyril’s preoccupation with the preservation of his monetary interests in Lonmin led him to call for ‘concomitant action’ to deal with the ‘criminal acts’”, the ANC Youth League said in a statement.
International positions
RAMAPHOSA SE INTERNASIONALE SKAKELS
Dit is vry algemeen dat Ramaphosa die kapitaliste se man is. Sy aanvanklike weiering om genomineer te word as die moontlike president van Suid Afrika, selfs toe Mandela nog president was, was berekend. Die twis en tweedrag binne die geledere van die ANC , het nou skynbaar die opening geskep waarop hulle gewag het en moet dus aanvaar word dat Zuma waarskynlik vir sekere toegewings, hierdie skuif tydelik verdra.
As daar gelet word op Ramaphosa se netwerk van betrokkenheid, is dit duidelik dat die geldmag van mening is dat hulle Zuma vorentoe met Ramaphosa sal kan vervang. Dit kan hom egter duur te staan kom. Dat ‘n toename in geweld ons voorland is, kan in ‘n klip gekap word. Die blankes wat hulle hoop op hierdie perd geplaas het, gaan wreed ontnugter word. Vir die behoudende en gelowige Afrikaners se die AVP, wees nugter en moet nie u geloof verloor nie.
In his role as a businessman, Ramaphosa is a member of the Coca-Cola Company International Advisory Board as well as the Unilever Africa Advisory Council. He was also the first deputy chairman of the Commonwealth Business Council.
Along with the ex-president of Finland, Martti Ahtisaari, he was appointed an inspector of the Irish Republican Army weapons dumps in Northern Ireland. Ramaphosa is the Honorary Consul General for Iceland in Johannesburg, South Africa.
In the 2007–2008 Kenyan crisis, which followed the disputed re-election of President Mwai Kibaki in December 2007, Ramaphosa was unanimously chosen by the mediation team headed by Kofi Annan to be the chief mediator in charge of leading long-term talks; however, Kibaki's government expressed dissatisfaction with the choice of Ramaphosa, saying that he had business links with Kibaki's opponent Raila Odinga, and on 4 February Annan accepted Ramaphosa's withdrawal from the role of chief mediator.[11] According to Ramaphosa, Odinga had visited him in 2007, but he did not have any "special interest" that would lead him to favor one side or the other.
Gedenk die gebeurtenis, maar veral die betekenis van Jesus Christus se offer aan die kruis vir elkeen wat glo en weet dat Hy deurgaans die Afrikanervolk se leier was en vandag nog is, ten spyte daarvan dat sommige van ons voormalige leiers hulle geloof in Hom verloor het en ons as gevolg daarvan in ʼn benouende toestand verkeer. Saam met u loof ons ons hemelse Vader en vertrou ons onvoorwaardelik op Hom. Intussen, verdra u omstandighede, moet dit net nooit aanvaar nie. Die verlossing en die tyd daarvoor sal Hy vir ons bepaal. Ons moet daarvoor gereed wees.
Vriendelike groete aan elke Afrikaner in afwagting op 2013.