’N BEWYS DAT EMIGRASIE JOU KIND SE IDENTITEIT IN ’N BAIE KORT TYD KAN BE-INVLOED OM IETS ANDERS AS AFRIKAANS TE WEES!
AFRIKAANS LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE IN AUSTRALIA
Anikó Hatoss University of New South Wales
Anikó Hatoss is Senior Lecturer in the School of Languages and Linguistics at the
University of New South Wales. Her research interests include the study of immigrant
communities and their cultural and linguistic adjustment, African refugees and
language planning in minority contexts.
Donna Starks La Trobe University
Donna Starks is a Senior Lecturer in the Faculty of Education at La Trobe University
with research interests in language maintenance and the development of ethnic
varieties of English.
Henriette Janse van Rensburg University of Southern Queensland
Henriette Janse van Rensburg is a Lecturer in the Faculty of Education at the
University of Southern Queensland. Her research interests include Computer
assisted and online learning.
Changes in the political climate in the home country have resulted in the emigration of South Africans to English speaking countries such as Britain, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. Despite the scale of movement of the South African population, language maintenance in these diasporic contexts has received little consideration.
This paper presents a description of an Australian Afrikaans-speaking community in the small Queensland city of Toowoomba. The study shows a high degree of bilingualism amongst the first generation Afrikaans community but also shows incipient signs of language shift within the home and a weak connection between language and identity.
KEY WORDS: Afrikaans, language maintenance, language shift, language attitudes, Australia
ARTICLES
4 AFRIKAANS LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE IN AUSTRALIA
Anikó Hatoss University of New South Wales
Anikó Hatoss is Senior Lecturer in the School of Languages and Linguistics at the
University of New South Wales. Her research interests include the study of immigrant
communities and their cultural and linguistic adjustment, African refugees and
language planning in minority contexts.
Donna Starks La Trobe University
Donna Starks is a Senior Lecturer in the Faculty of Education at La Trobe University
with research interests in language maintenance and the development of ethnic
varieties of English.
Henriette Janse van Rensburg University of Southern Queensland
Henriette Janse van Rensburg is a Lecturer in the Faculty of Education at the
University of Southern Queensland. Her research interests include Computer
assisted and online learning.
Changes in the political climate in the home country have resulted in the emigration of South Africans
to English speaking countries such as Britain, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. Despite the scale
of movement of the South African population, language maintenance in these diasporic contexts has
received little consideration. This paper presents a description of an Australian Afrikaans-speaking
community in the small Queensland city of Toowoomba. The study shows a high degree of
bilingualism amongst the first generation Afrikaans community but also shows incipient signs of
language shift within the home and a weak connection between language and identity.
INTRODUCTION
South Africa's political history throughout the last two decades has been turbulent with the
application of political reforms and the eventual dismantling of apartheid. The changes have
had linguistic consequences. In 1994, South Africa introduced a new language policy and as
a result eleven languages were granted official status. English and Afrikaans and nine
African languages were allocated this role in a language policy which aimed to promote the
status of South Africa’s African languages. The international spread of English has meant ARTICLES
5 AFRIKAANS LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE IN AUSTRALIA
that it has been given particular prominence and changes in the linguistic and political
climate have led many South Africans to assign greater value and prestige to English (de
Klerk, 2001; Rudwick, 2008). This had subsequent detrimental effects on both Afrikaans and
South Africans’ other languages (de Klerk, 2001; de Klerk & Barkhuizen, 2001; de Klerk &
Barkhuizen, 2002; Finlayson, Caulteaux & Myers-Scotton, 1998; Kamwangamalu, 2002,
2004; Louw, 2004; Rudwick, 2008; Sonntag, 2003). Although Afrikaans was, and is, an
official language of South Africa, Afrikaans is largely seen as a language of colonizers, while
English is embraced as a global language (Batiko, 2005, p. 107).
Widespread proficiency in English paired with the changes in the political climate in the
home country have resulted in the emigration of South Africans to English speaking
countries such as Britain, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. Despite the scale of
movement of the South African population, the language maintenance and shift trends of
South African communities in such diasporic contexts have received little consideration. The
published work has considered Afrikaans-speaking communities in New Zealand and to a
limited extent, in Western Australia. In a series of recent articles, Barkhuizen and associates
(Barkhuizen, 2005, 2006; Barkhuizen & de Klerk, 2006; Barkhuizen & Knoch, 2006) have
reported the linguistic and cultural experiences of families who have moved from South
Africa to New Zealand. The narratives reveal cultural changes and point towards numerous
linguistic changes that have occurred in these families. These include shifts in language use,
and reported language attrition (see Barkhuizen, 2005, 2006; Barkhuizen & de Klerk, 2006;
Barkhuizen & Knoch, 2006) with many Afrikaans’ children experiencing difficulties with
vocabulary (Barkhuizen, 2006). Little is known about the linguistic status of Afrikaans in
other diasporic contexts and thus there is a need to conduct further research in order to
consider the place of Afrikaans amongst Afrikaans speakers in Australia.
The South African community is considered to be the fifth fastest-growing ethnic group in
Australia (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2007a). The 2006 Census reported 104,122
resident Australians were born in South Africa (ABS, 2007b). Most are highly-educated with
36% of South Africa-born residents holding a higher degree, postgraduate diploma, bachelor
degree, undergraduate degree or associate diploma. In comparison, only 17% of the total
Australian population holds one of these qualifications. The South African population is
located in major urban settlement throughout Australia, with large populations in New South
Wales, Queensland and Western Australia (See Table 1). ARTICLES
6 AFRIKAANS LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE IN AUSTRALIA
Table 1
ARTICLES
South Africa-born Australian residents by states in 2006
South Africa-born population of Australia by
states/territories
Males Females Total
The data in the current study was collected in Toowoomba, a small regional city two hours
west of Brisbane with a population of 114,476 (ABS, 2007b). The majority of the residents
are Australia-born, with only 11,103 or (9.7%) overseas-born; therefore, the city is less
ethnically diverse than the overall Australian population. Most of the overseas-born
residents originate from England and New Zealand (see Table 2). The two largest multilingual communities in Toowoomba are the South Africans and the Sudanese. Both ethnic
groups are relatively recent with significant migration in the past 10 years (ABS, 2007b).
Other ethnic communities in Toowoomba include the Chinese, Dutch and Germans. ARTICLES
7 AFRIKAANS LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE IN AUSTRALIA
Table 2
Toowoomba residents by top 10 countries of birth
Country of Birth Number of Toowoomba residents
Australia 84,212
England 2,084
New Zealand 1,278
Sudan 430
South Africa 421
Scotland 375
Zimbabwe 304
The Netherlands 288
China 288
Germany 278
Based on ABS Statistics 2006 Census Tables (2007a)
The Australian Bureau of Statistics (2007a) reports the languages spoken in the home by
region. In Toowoomba, over 91% of the population claim to be speakers of English only.
The relatively high number of Mandarin (457) and Cantonese (234) speakers is due to the
small local Chinese community supported institutionally by the teaching of Mandarin as a
school language in one of the largest local state schools. There is also a private Buddhist
college operating in Toowoomba which attracts migrants from China. Dinka (323) and
Arabic (266) are spoken in the Sudanese community and German (203) by the longestablished post WWI and WWII local German community (Hatoss, 2006). Of the languages
spoken at home, Afrikaans does not emerge in the five most spoken home languages other
than English (see Table 3). When the figures for the ‘language spoken at home’ in Table 3
(153 speaks Afrikaans) are compared with those of country of birth presented in Table 2 (421
South Africa-born), the number of South Africa-born is almost triple that of the number of
speakers in Toowoomba who speak Afrikaans in their homes. This could be due to a variety
of factors. Some of the South Africa-born might be English-only speaking South Africans ARTICLES
8 AFRIKAANS LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE IN AUSTRALIA
and some might live in mixed marriages where a language other than Afrikaans is the home
language. The figures suggest potential language shift, a common characteristic of migrant
communities both within and outside of Australia (see Clyne, 2003; Fishman, 2000 amongst
others for details).
Table 3
Top 10 languages spoken in Toowoomba homes in 2006
Languages spoken at home Males Females Persons
English 43,210 47,651 90,861
Mandarin 246 211 457
Dinka 192 131 323
Arabic 168 98 266
Cantonese 117 117 234
German 93 110 203
Afrikaans 75 78 153
Italian 77 64 141
Hindi 76 47 123
Dutch 48 59 107
Total population 47,614 51,869 99,483
South Africa-born Australian residents by states in 2006
South Africa-born population of Australia by
states/territories
Males Females Total
New South Wales (including Sydney) 16,098 16,850 32,948
Queensland (including Brisbane) 11,289 11,421 22,710
Western Australia (including Perth) 10,836 11,213 22,049
Victoria (including Melbourne) 9,421 9,928 19,349
South Australia (including Adelaide) 2,143 2,346 4,489
Tasmania (including Hobart) 506 562 1,068
Australian Capital Territory (Canberra) 516 544 1,060
Northern Territory (including Darwin) 224 225 449
Total 104,122
Based on ABS 2006 Census Tables (2007a)
The data in the current study was collected in Toowoomba, a small regional city two hours
west of Brisbane with a population of 114,476 (ABS, 2007b). The majority of the residents
are Australia-born, with only 11,103 or (9.7%) overseas-born; therefore, the city is less
ethnically diverse than the overall Australian population. Most of the overseas-born
residents originate from England and New Zealand (see Table 2). The two largest multilingual communities in Toowoomba are the South Africans and the Sudanese. Both ethnic
groups are relatively recent with significant migration in the past 10 years (ABS, 2007b).
Other ethnic communities in Toowoomba include the Chinese, Dutch and Germans. ARTICLES
9 AFRIKAANS LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE IN AUSTRALIA
of the migrant generation. This paper considers language shift in the Australian Afrikaans
community from both of these perspectives but the focus is on the former of these processes.
The literature (see e.g. Bourhis, 2001; Edwards, 1992; Fishman, 1991, 1966; Gal, 1979;
Holmes, 1997; Jaspaert & Kroon, 1988; Schmid, 2002) has identified a wide range of factors
that come into play to influence the language behaviour of a migrant community. These
include social, political, demographic, cultural and linguistic factors (Baker, 2001; Conklin &
Lourie, 1983). Smolicz (1981, 1999) theorised that some cultures, such as the Germans and
the Dutch, do not consider their national language to be a core value in their culture and this
lack of core cultural connection with language typically leads to language shift in these
communities. Other communities attach a significant value to their language as an expression
of their identity. These ethnolinguistic groups typically maintain their mother tongue at better
rates. In Australia, examples include the Vietnamese, Greek, Chinese and others. No study
has established the position that Afrikaans-speaking South Africans take on this core value
measure, although several facts about the community might promote a weakening of the link
between language and identity. Political strife in the homeland has meant that contacts with
the homeland are perhaps not as strong as with other communities with less turbulent
uprooting. The language situation in South Africa has also meant that many South Africans
place high value on English prior to immigration (de Klerk & Barkhuizen, 2002;
Kamwangamalu, 2002, 2004; Rudwick, 2008). In intermarriages between English and
Afrikaans-speaking South Africans in South Africa, English is the language of choice (de
Klerk, 2001). This may also affect attitudes towards Afrikaans in Australia.
A move outside of the South African context represents a shift in place and with it a shift in
identity construction. As language is central to identity and often considered to be
inseparable from it (Omoniyi & White, 2006, 14), it is important to consider how South
Africans, particularly the Afrikaans-speaking community, juxtapose that new identity with
their new linguistic surroundings in Australia.
METHODOLOGY
The study investigated language use, language proficiency and language attitudes of 17
Afrikaans families residing in Toowoomba at the time of the study. All participants were
Afrikaans-speaking and migrated to Australia in the past ten years. Although the researchers
did not exclude mixed marriages, only one of the families fit this profile (the father was
Afrikaans, the mother German). Although families were not selected on the basis of socioeconomic status, analysis of participant occupations revealed that most were professionals
working in the fields of education, medicine, marketing and law. All participants reported
similar reasons for their migration, citing that they left South Africa to create a better life for ARTICLES
10 AFRIKAANS LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE IN AUSTRALIA
themselves and their children. Although there was no upper age limit on the children in the
study, a younger age limit of 10 years was enforced to ensure that children were overseasborn and that all children had the necessary skills to complete the questionnaire. Twenty-two
children aged 10 to 20 years participated in the research. Initial contacts were made via the
South African social club with the assistance of the club secretary who was provided with
details about the project and its selection criteria. From this, 21 families made contact with
the research team but four were disqualified because their children did not meet the age
requirements for the study. Volunteering participants gave their written consent in
accordance with research ethics regulations. All of the families were active in the Afrikaans
community, and all were members of the South African social club. The data were collected
through a local Afrikaans-speaking resident who had strong ties in the community. This method
of identifying participants has been applied successfully in other studies (Bernard, 2002).
The study employed written questionnaires and face-to-face interviews and these were
completed in the homes of the participants. Both parents and children completed the
questionnaire, but only the parents participated in the interviews. The questionnaire had eight
sections and provided extensive documentation on the following topics: (1) language
proficiencies and preference, (2) language use, (3) social contact with peers and the home
country, (4) use of Internet and computer mediated communication for community activities
and language maintenance, (5) language attitudes, (6) language and identity, and (7) views
about language maintenance and (8) demographics. The present study reports on the
proficiency data from section (1) and demographic data from section (8),
A decision was made to collect the questionnaire data in English. All participants had some
level of English and many of the younger participants were more competent in English than
in Afrikaans (see Table 1 for details). A member of the research team was present to help any
of the children who had difficulties completing the questionnaire and four children needed
this support. The questionnaire data was processed by using SPSS data editor and analysed
by using descriptive statistical methods.
After the completion of the questionnaires, parents in each of the families participated in a
one-hour joint interview with a female Afrikaans-speaking South African from the local
community. The interview schedule aimed to elicit free speech according to four themes:
migration history; language use and proficiency; attitudes to Afrikaans and English,
motivation to use and maintain Afrikaans. The interviews were allowed to develop relatively
freely according to the participants’ observations and experiences. All parents were given the
option of conducting their interview in English or in Afrikaans. All chose to be interviewed
in Afrikaans. The interviews were tape-recorded, transcribed and translated into English by a ARTICLES
11 AFRIKAANS LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE IN AUSTRALIA
local Afrikaans speaker. The interview data was divided according to the main themes and
information relating to each was extracted into separate files for qualitative analysis. While
much of the information emerged out of the interview questions, other information was the
result of discussion elsewhere in the interviews. Extracts from the interviews are used to
illustrate the status of Afrikaans in this community supplemented with occasional
background details elicited from the parents’ and children’s questionnaires.
To provide a starting point for understanding language maintenance in the Afrikaans
community, self-report data was analysed from the questionnaires. The self-report questions
asked ‘Are you able to speak/understand/read/write Afrikaans?’ and responses analysed
using a five point Likert scale from 0 [not at all] to 4 [very well]. The questions were based
on the Australian ISLPR self-assessment test (Ingram and Wylie, 1993) which was designed
to measure migrants’ language skills in English.
FINDINGS
The Afrikaans community in Toowoomba have attempted to maintain their cultural identity
in a variety of ways. In the interview transcripts, several participants mentioned that they
meet regularly as part of the South African club and enjoy spending time with fellow
Afrikaans as in [Excerpts 1-4].
1. We enjoy attending South African club activities [Family 1]
2. We enjoy attending these days (club activities) and if there is a weekend away and
we are able, we love going. We enjoy each other’s company and love visiting around
a campfire [Family 4]
3. We definitely attend as far as possible. We have the same background, understand
the same jokes. The Australian humor is different to that of South Africa [Family 6]
4. I actually organise most of those [South African] activities and I enjoy doing it.
[Family 11]
In addition to South African club activities, participants also noted that they attend churches
frequented by South Africans where they socialise with established members of the South
African Toowoomba community [Excerpt 5], and where they meet South African families
new to Toowoomba [Excerpt 6].
5. We attend Afrikaans club activities. We like to attend the church services and fun
days organised for ex South Africans. [Family 9] ARTICLES
12 AFRIKAANS LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE IN AUSTRALIA
6. We enjoy attending South African club activities, the socializing with other people
who have a lot in common with ourselves and to do things together, like attending
Afrikaans church – to sing together, and we also get to meet new people. [Family 1]
Others talked about their South African friendship networks, their love of traditional
Afrikaans food and helping new members of the South African community settle into the
region [Excerpt 7].
7. We often camp together, visit Afrikaans shops. We still buy and prepare traditional
South African food that is locally available from an importer. We like to help
new South Africans when they come into town to settle in into all aspects of life
[Family 5]
Comments such as those listed above point to a clearly-defined Afrikaans community in
Toowoomba in which cultural identity continues to be relatively strong. Yet Table 4, which
reports the mean scores for reported proficiency in Afrikaans and English for all
participants, according to the four macro-skills, speaking, listening, reading and writing,
paints a different picture. The scores clearly demonstrate that there was a significant
difference in the self-reported Afrikaans skills in all macro-skills (children being less
proficient where the confidence interval was set to 95%). There was no significant difference
between parents’ and children’s English proficiency levels. ARTICLES
AFRIKAANS LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE IN AUSTRALIA 13
Table 4
Mean scores of self-rated proficiency in Afrikaans and English
Family
member
N Mean Std. Deviation Independent
samples T-test of
equality of means
(p values)
Speak children 22 2.55 .596
Afrikaans
parents 32 3.00 .000 .000
Understand children 22 2.73 .456
Afrikaans
parents 32 3.00 .000 .001
Read children 22 2.05 .899
Afrikaans
parents 32 2.97 .177 .000
Write children 22 1.77 1.020
Afrikaans
parents 32 2.97 .177 .000
Speak children 22 2.73 .456
English
parents 32 2.66 .483 .589
Understand children 22 2.77 .429
English
parents 32 2.78 .420 .942
Read English children 22 2.73 .456
parents 32 2.78 .420 .656
Write English children 22 2.68 .477
parents 32 2.66 .545 .859 ARTICLES
14 AFRIKAANS LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE IN AUSTRALIA
Although the reported Afrikaans abilities of the children are significantly weaker than that of
their parents, most participants indicate relatively high levels of speaking ability in
Afrikaans. This is not surprising given the relatively recent nature of this community and the
fact that all participants are overseas-born. It is, however, of interest to note that four of the
32 adults and 15 out of 22 children stated that English was now their strongest language.
This type of finding is characteristic of migrant communities across Australia (e.g., Clyne,
2003), but the extent to which this appears to occur within this community suggests that
Afrikaans may not be a core value amongst this particular group of Afrikaans-speaking South
Africans. In order to consider this possibility, the remainder of this paper considers the
comments about language and identity from the parent interviews.
The home domain is considered vital for language maintenance and one of the last vestiges
of language maintenance in migrant communities (Fishman, 1991, 2000). At the time of the
study, all participants noted that their home language was Afrikaans. However, of the 17
families interviewed, only four noted the categorical use of Afrikaans as a home language, as
in (Excerpt 8), and of these, two provided statements of English language use within the
home elsewhere in the interview. Of those families who commented on English language use
in the home, four spoke about English language use when outsiders are present in the
conversation (as illustrated in Excerpts 9-10). There was also the indication from one of the
interviews that if English speakers are in earshot (e.g. in the house rather than in the
conversation), this would initiate a change in language use (see Excerpt 11). In commenting
to a question on the usefulness of Afrikaans, one participant explained that many Afrikaans
speakers find it rude to speak Afrikaans in front of others (Excerpt 12), a finding not atypical
of migrant communities who wish to integrate into their new society (see Kuiper, 2005).
8. We only speak Afrikaans in our house [Family 11]
9. We always speak Afrikaans unless there are Australian (English speaking) friends
with us; we then speak English [Family 1]
10. We speak Afrikaans and only speak English when we have Ozzie friends [Family 7]
11. At home our language is Afrikaans and with many of our friends we speak Afrikaans,
but if there are any English people in the house with us, we speak English out of
respect for them [Family 2]
12. Well, it enables you to say things that most people cannot understand, but we actually
don’t like doing it, we consider it bad manners [Family 9]
Although Afrikaans is the reported predominant language of all 17 families, there are
reported shifts in language use and resulting difficulties in inter-generational communication ARTICLES
15 AFRIKAANS LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE IN AUSTRALIA
(as illustrated in Excerpt 13). In some homes, the use of English is a conscious language
choice (Excerpt 14). It is of interest that in these families, it is the mother who is responsible
for English skills and the father for Afrikaans language maintenance. De Klerk (2001) noted
the opposite pattern in mixed marriages in South Africa, where the mother was more likely to
take responsibility for language maintenance. In other families in our study, parents comment
on a gradual shift to English with the youngest of the children being spoken to primarily in
English (Excerpt 15). We also observe comments about children interacting with each other
in English (Excerpt 15), and responding to their parents in English (Excerpt 16). These
findings are characteristic of many migrant communities and are often attributed to
mainstream schooling (Skutnabb-Kangas, 2000). The reported shift in language use is
corroborated by the reported language abilities of the children in Table 4. As children mature,
intermarriage, another common factor for language shift (Clyne, 2003; de Klerk, 2001;
Kloss, 1966), is also having its toll (Excerpt 17). De Klerk’s 2001 study of language use
involving marriages between English and Afrikaans speakers in South Africa found English
to be the dominant language choice of children from these inter-marriages. It is thus possible
that many of the reported patterns observed in this study may have their origins in South
Africa, as many non-Afrikaans-speaking communities in South Africa use English in their
day to day interactions and as a home language (see Dyers, 2008).
13. I speak Afrikaans to my children, but they sometimes don’t understand me anymore.
I prefer Afrikaans, but I think they are slowly losing their abilities in Afrikaans
[Family 8]
14. My husband and I speak Afrikaans to each other, but I have been speaking English to
our children since they were born. They were completely bilingual by the time we
came to Australia. I speak to them in English while my husband speaks to them in
Afrikaans [Family 10]
15. We speak both Afrikaans and English. We speak Afrikaans to our children, but we
tend to speak more English to our daughter. She was only two when we arrive in the
country and started to go to daycare where she learnt English. She understands
Afrikaans, but sometimes would ask us what we meant so that we have to explain it
in English. Even when we visit with our Afrikaans-speaking friends, the children
speak English to each other. I asked our son what language he uses when he just
wants to say something upon which he replied that he thinks in English [Family 12]
16. We speak mainly Afrikaans, although not very good Afrikaans. Our children would
mostly reply in English. Even if I think for myself, English words do come easier
these days. We do actually still speak mostly Afrikaans [Family 17] ARTICLES
16 AFRIKAANS LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE IN AUSTRALIA
17. We speak Afrikaans. English only when our daughter in law is here. Her dream is to
be able to speak Afrikaans like we do and she is learning to do so [Family 13]
The data suggests that distinct inter-generational patterns of language use are emerging
(Excerpts 18-20). The children speak English, while the parents use Afrikaans. Such
asymmetric language use has been reported in numerous studies of second generation
migrant communities (Obied, 2010). In other situations, participants note the use of different
languages for different effects, (as in Excerpt 18) where English is used to express ‘anger’
and (Excerpts 19 and 20) where it is used as the language of linguistically sophisticated
discussions and as the language of instruction.
18. We speak Afrikaans at home. If my son does not understand me, I’ll explain in
English, but always also explain in Afrikaans. Only time, we speak English at home
is when we fight. They know when I speak English, they’re in trouble. I speak
English so that they cannot say there’s something they don’t understand [Family 4]
19. .…we often speak English when in deep conversation as they [the children] seem to
understand it better and can express themselves better [Family 8]
20. We speak Afrikaans but if our children don’t understand something we will explain
in English. After all, they study in English and all the terminology is in English so it
is of no use to explain something to them in Afrikaans [Family 14]
There are also comments about the gradual decline of the first language. Parents remark that
many of the children are better in English with a few noting that the younger children have
considerably more difficulties in Afrikaans than their older counterparts (Excerpt 24). There
are references in the interviews to the children’s difficulties with vocabulary (Excerpts 21),
grammar (Excerpt 22) pronunciation (Excerpts 23 and 24), and there is mention of codemixing (Excerpt 24). As noted earlier, many of these same features are found in the New
Zealand Afrikaans community (Barkhuizen, 2006).
21. [Our son] has better language abilities in English. His Afrikaans is not so good. He
tries to communicate in Afrikaans but does not have the vocabulary abilities he has in
English [Family 16]
22. Our son can reasonably converse in Afrikaans, …not perfect though [Family 12]
23. [Our daughter] speaks Afrikaans fluently although some people say she speaks it
with an English accent [Family 3]
24. Our son had more exposure to Afrikaans but our daughter not and she speaks it with
an English accent. She also uses many English words; something our son does not do
[Family 14] ARTICLES
17 AFRIKAANS LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE IN AUSTRALIA
Another common topic of discussion concerns literacy skills, and in most families this
appears to be of only minor importance (as noted in excerpts 25-27). The emphasis is placed
on oral/aural skills.
25. To us it is important that they speak Afrikaans, but they have never read in Afrikaans
before so I do not believe they will be able to write in Afrikaans. It is not important
to us that they do [Family 10]
26. It is important to us that they keep the ability to speak Afrikaans, but they don’t
really have any need for reading and writing the language in Australia [Family 11]
27. I don’t think it is important for them to be able to write in Afrikaans [Family 14]
Despite the language shifts within the home and the changing language proficiency of their
children, only three families expressed concerns in answer to the question ‘Are you happy
with your children’s level of Afrikaans?’. One such comment from a concerned parent is
provided below (in Excerpt 28). Most of the responses to the question differed from this (as
illustrated in Excerpts 29-31).
28. They already lost most of their Afrikaans abilities. It may be a good idea to have
classes. Our children prefer English as all their friends are English [Family 8]
29. Yes, we are. I do not believe in forcing my children to read or write in Afrikaans
[Family 7]
30. We are happy with their language abilities. They live here now and for them to
progress in their everyday life, work as well as studies. They have to be as good in
their English capabilities as possible. [Family 10]
31. We would like them to have better Afrikaans language abilities, but it is not very
important [Family 17]
Views on the long-term survival of the language were ambivalent with parents from six of
the families stating that they did not see any long-term survival of the language (as in
excerpts 32-33). Of those that viewed the language as viable long-term, their beliefs about
the long-term viability of Afrikaans were attributed to the continued influx of individuals
from South Africa rather than to the local Afrikaans community (as illustrated in excerpts
34-35). Only one of the families commented on local maintenance initiatives, and that was in
reference to language support from the church (Excerpt 36), rather than language
maintenance through the home. This suggests that these families may not view Afrikaans as
a core value of their identity as South African Australians.
32. I do not think Afrikaans has a future in Australia. When we arrive here, we try to
maintain the language, but it is not really possible [Family 1] ARTICLES
18 AFRIKAANS LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE IN AUSTRALIA
33. Very difficult to say ‘yes’ if you look at Afrikaans in a worldly context. I would like
it to have a future, but probably less that 1% of the world speaks Afrikaans. I cannot
really see any advantages in studying Afrikaans. Even in South Africa everybody can
speak English, it is a world language [Family 3]
34. I think it will be maintained for a long time to come. There is a constant influx of
Afrikaans-speaking people into the country and that should keep it going [Family 6]
35. There is a huge influx of Afrikaans-speaking immigrants and I therefore think it is
possible for Afrikaans to have a future in Australia. Our generation will always speak
Afrikaans and it will definitely survive our lifetime [Family 13]
36. I definitely think so. I believe it will not perish. Even our church is in Afrikaans and
although we also sing in English, all the activities are in Afrikaans. There are so
many South Africans and so many are still coming into the country that I believe the
Afrikaans language has a future in Australia [Family 15]
Fourteen of the families believe that Afrikaans is a ‘useful’ language, although four families
gave reasons for this choice which were related to identity and security (as in excerpts 37-40).
37. It makes it easy for us to converse with fellow Afrikaans-speaking people and it is
useful to us to keep our identity as individuals and as a group [Family 9]
38. It is useful to be able to speak a second language and it is also part of who and what
you are [Family 12]
39. I especially enjoy the language for the typical but unique Afrikaans joke. The words
just seem to come easier [Family 14]
40. I think it is very useful, the fact that I am able to speak Afrikaans in a strange
country. It gives me security [Family 15]
Seven of the families commented on the pragmatic usefulness of Afrikaans as a second
language (as in Excerpt 41). Elsewhere one family comments that ‘It makes me feel good to
be bilingual; it gives you that competitive edge’ [Family 12] and another ‘Just the fact that
you are bilingual is useful. It is good for brain development of a child if they are taught more
than one language’ [Family 11]. Two others mentioned that Afrikaans is useful if one returns
to South Africa (as in Excerpt 42) and three stated that it was of no use in Australia (Excerpt
43), except for enjoyment and informal conversation with fellow South Africans.
41. I think Afrikaans do have benefits. For me, on an academic level, it has certain
advantages. Because I speak Afrikaans I am able to understand Belgian, Dutch and
also to a degree, German. It is beneficial when you go overseas on holiday; you are
able to communicate with more people [Family 1] ARTICLES
19 AFRIKAANS LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE IN AUSTRALIA
42. It is not useful except if you want to go back to South Africa. I have never been back
to South Africa. The only use for Afrikaans is to be able to speak another language. It
is very important to socialize in English as well; otherwise you restrain the level of
growth of your English language abilities [Family 10]
43. No I don’t think that Afrikaans is useful; everything over here is English except that
it enables us to chat to fellow Afrikaans-speaking people [Family 6]
It is therefore perhaps not surprising that family members reported few links between
language and identity. Some of the families did not see the link between language and
identity (Excerpts 44-45), others did not see important differences between Australian and
South African cultures (Excerpt 46), and most believed in change across generations (e.g.,
Excerpts 47-49). Others mentioned token language symbolism, as in the use of one’s
Afrikaans surname, referring to the similar use of names as symbols in the Dutch community
(Excerpt 48) and how it creates a perpetual link between language and identity. Each of these
views is presented below.
44. My identity is not connected to the language I speak it does not matter in which
language I speak or pray [Family 10]
45. I do not believe you need a language to maintain your culture and identity. I speak
English for 90% of the day and I am still South African [Family 17]
46. I think identity and culture go hand in hand. We will not lose it, but new generations
will not have the same identity anymore. I think the Australian culture is not so
different from ours anyway. They also have roast, love their sport and even some
enjoy going to church [Family 9]
47. We believe that language, culture and identity are directly linked. We will not lose
our mother tongue, but the next generation will [Family 11]
48. I believe that certain last names will always connect you with South Africa, just as
some connect with Dutch, German, etc. That connection to me is your identity. If
culture is not constantly maintained and practiced, it will be lost. There are many
similarities between our culture and Australian culture as we are both of English
origin and the culture was taken to South Africa as well as Australia [Family 13]
49. Yes, I do think you eventually lose your identity [Family 1]
The Afrikaans-speaking community is a relatively new community to Australia and all the
families who participated in this study have immigrated in the past ten years. Although the
language of the home is still Afrikaans and most children have reported a relatively high
proficiency, there are signs of language shift within the home and the loss of connection ARTICLES
20 AFRIKAANS LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE IN AUSTRALIA
between language and identity. It is clear from the interview data that Afrikaans is seen as
important as a second language rather than as an identity marker. Few families in the study
see the long-term survival of the Afrikaans language in Australia, and those who do, claim
that the reasons for this are related to long-term migration rather than language measures
within the home or community. Comments focus on the relatively few differences between
Australia and South Africa, and English as important in both countries. Although the families
enjoy interacting with other Afrikaans-speaking South Africans, most do not have strong
views about Afrikaans-language maintenance. These findings suggest that the Afrikaans
language may not be a core value for many in the Afrikaans community in Toowoomba.
CONCLUSION
This study reports on the language maintenance of 17 Afrikaans families living in a mediumsized rural city in Queensland. Although all adults and many of the children report high
levels of confidence in their ability to speak Afrikaans and the use of Afrikaans as the
primary language within the home, there are factors that impede on this maintenance and
suggest that language may not be a core value in this community. Although all 17 families
had been living in Australia for less than a decade, there is a marked difference in the selfreported language proficiency of the children and the adults. Four of the adults and 15 of the
22 children now claim English is their strongest language. Of the families, only four note the
categorical use of Afrikaans as a home language. One reason is that children tend to respond
in English to their parents’ statements in Afrikaans. Several participants also stated that they
view it rude to speak Afrikaans in the presence of non-Afrikaans speakers, even when those
speakers are visitors in the participants’ homes. Although parents comment on a decline in
their children’s Afrikaans, this did not appear to be a major concern, and most stated that
they were happy with their children’s level of Afrikaans. Attitudes tended to be ambivalent
towards the long-term survival of Afrikaans in Australia, with the potential survival of
Afrikaans attributed to migration rather than language maintenance within the home.
Families tended to focus on the pragmatic usefulness of Afrikaans, with only a handful
commenting on the link between Afrikaans and identity. There was a general view that
Australian and South African cultures are similar. Links between language and identity
tended to be relatively weak, with some participants using token symbolism (such as
Afrikaans surnames) to link language and identity.
Given the recent arrival of this community, most of the parents and children are proficient in
Afrikaans, and associate Afrikaans with the language of emotion and friendship. Yet, the
interview data suggests that the link between language and identity is a weak one. This view
is likely to have been triggered by both pre-immigration experiences in South Africa and ARTICLES
21 AFRIKAANS LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE IN AUSTRALIA
post-immigration experiences in Australia. The study calls for further research into the
Afrikaans language maintenance in its diasporic context to determine if such a situation is more
widespread or simply a localised situation of language shift in a semi-urban context where the
majority of the population is monolingual in English. Such documentation would help clarify
the status of the Afrikaans-speaking community in Australia and help provide insights into the
broader processes impeding language maintenance in recent communities. In such communities,
language shift is often less progressed and, therefore, linguistic intervention could provide
greater avenues for those interested in maintaining their mother tongue.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We would like to express our sincerest appreciation to the South African community in
Toowoomba, the local secretary of the South African club, and the research assistant, Anika
Ferreira for their assistance with the project. We would also like to express our thanks to the
Faculty of Education at the University of Southern Queensland for funding this project and
Gary Barkhuizen for his commentary on an earlier version of the paper.
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